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International Journal of Political
Science and Development Vol. 1(2), pp. 32–41,
October, 2013
ISSN: 2360-784X©2013 Academic Research
Journals
Review
Governing Mechanisms for Controlling Labour: The case of the
Ready-Made Garments Industry in Bangladesh
Kazi Mahmudur Rahman
School of Political Science and
International Studies (POLSIS), University of Queensland, St Lucia,
QLD 4067, Building 39A (General Purpose North), level 5. E-mail:
kazi.rahman@uqconnect.edu.au
Accepted 9 October, 2013
Dominant discourse of
trade led development justifies the treatment of workers by
subordinating their needs to the overarching imperatives of
development. The official transcript of Ready-Made Garments (RMG)
trade induced development is interpreted as progress, while for
workers it is associated with the decline in the quality of life and
as forms of suffering and even as enslavements. Based on a field
survey on workers, in-depth interview on factory owners and
observation, this article also provides an account of the political
power relations underpinning the “worker/employer” constellation in
the RMG sector in Bangladesh by investigating the formal and
proto-formal arrangements/provisions. Since labour power is a
critical input into RMG Industry (RGI), this article also identified
the various modes of labour control in the RGI in Bangladesh. The
analysis also shows the efforts in legitimizing those controlling
practices. The core of this paper is an exposition of the governance
mechanisms through how the new international division of labour (NIDL)
wassustained despite the worker’s struggles. At the end, it
envisages to expose the gap between stated governance objectives and
governance as experienced.
Key words: Ready-Made Garment (RMG), International Division
of Labour (NIDL), Trade and Governance, Labour Relations, Labour
Rights, EPZs.
INTRODUCTION
A number of national as well as international development commentators
conceive of ready- made garments industry as an ‘aashirbad’ (blessing)
for countries like Bangladesh in general, and for women workers in the
RMG industry in particular. For example, Jeffry Sachs conceives of
sweatshops within the RMG sector (and in Bangladesh in particular) as
the route to progress; “sweatshops are the first rung on the ladder out
of the extreme poverty” (Sachs, 2005; 11). Similarly, Bradsher (2004)
has identified this development as advancing a silent revolution in
Bangladesh with significant social and cultural benefits for women. This
progressive narrative of trade-led development relies on two arguments:
competition and development where nation-state is transformed into a
competition state in order to streamline development. As such, countries
like Bangladesh are competing to register their superiority in exporting
ready-made garments in the world market. It also argued that introducing
competitive forces into the economy will accelerate development. Donado
and Walde argue that to achieve the associated transformation of the
political economy poor countries must reduce and reconfigure labour
standards to attract investment and remain competitive (Donado and Walde,
2012). Therefore question remains whether workers’ rights are respected
in ways commensurate with this discourse of development. And hence, the
present work contend that dominant discourse justifies the treatment of
workers by subordinating their needs to the overarching imperatives of
development.
In contrast to the traditional orthodoxy of development notion, Saurin
(1996) argued to develop a holistic method of measuring development
which would take account of people’s perception and understanding of
that production and reproduction of their own lives, including the
global structuring of production and reproduction (Saurin, 1996; 661).
Her approaches aim to track the development or non-development of the
lives of ‘ordinary people’. She used James Scott’s (1990) notion of
‘Public and Hidden Transcript’ in different way. Official account of
development is expressed in broad terms such as economic growth,
international competitiveness, expansion of trade and rapid trade
liberalisation and regulation of interdependence (Saurin, 1996; 661).
However, daily experience of working people, their structural
transformations, dislocations and sufferings fails to correspond with
official story of development’ (Saurin, 1996: 662).
Consequently, the transmission of trade-led modernity is interpreted as
development and progress, while for others it is associated with the
decline in the quality of life and as forms of suffering and even as
enslavement. The persistence of workers suffering as demonstrated
through low wages and deprivation from their rights contradicts the
putative modernity of this discourse. The present work attempts to
illustrate how formal institutions and informal mechanisms interact to
produce the working conditions in the RGI in Bangladeshand also
articulate how dominant public narrative of ‘development blessings’ is
constructed through using various labour controlling mechanisms.The
interactions between these institutions and mechanisms comprise a
“governance” structure that effectively disempowers workers, leaving
them vulnerable to exploitation and abuse.
Indicators of disempowerment and exploitation include insecure
contracts, low wages, excessive hours, and few benefits. However, actors
(state and stakeholders that includes private trade association and
trade union leaders) concerned with the RGI have tended to refuse to
recognize their suffering and instead have resorted to the use of both
force and developing mechanisms to acquire consent from the workers (and
within society) to maintain this favourable export situation. Since
labour power is a critical input into every commodity chain, the
following work also seeks to identify the various modes of labour
control in the RGI. The analysis also shows the efforts in legitimizing
those controlling practices. At the end, it envisages to expose the gap
between stated governance objectives and governance as experienced. In
order to do so, this article the present work has adopted a systematic
narrative, which comprised with a multi-sited investigation based on
in-depth interviews and close observations .
This present article is divided into three sections: the first section
briefly outlines governance mechanisms in the RGI in relation to both
labour rights and investors’ protection. This section attempts to show
how labour rights and regulation can only be adequately comprehended
understood through an appreciation of the national and global
transformations. The second section delineates how the formal and
informal mode of governance plays out as a strategy to manage the
contradictions between trade-led development and workers struggles. It
shows that this strategy is consisting of both the use of force and
consent. The third and final section highlights how this governance
deficit has been legitimized by various stakeholders despite the
workers’ suffering.
Section 1: Formal Institutions and mechanisms in the RGI in
Bangladesh
Various institutional mechanisms generate the ultimate goals of creating
subordinating workers (or rather exercised their limited capacity to
address workers sufferings) for their needs to the overarching
imperatives of development. The Figure 1 illustrates these institutional
measures addressing workers right operates in global, national, Export
Processing Zones (EPZs) and non-EPZ factory level.
While discussing labour rights perspectives, the first global platform
for monitoring labour’s right is the international labour organisation (ILO).
ILO has been using their programmes under the heading ‘decent work’
which promotes four core labour standards . It supervises compliance
with global labour conventions and publishes reports on violation on
maintaining standards. It provides technical assistance to labour
ministries and other agencies. In theory it can punish countries
(according to Article 33 of ILO) that do not comply with their
commitments. However, in reality there are hardly any examples of such
(Elliott, 2003). It provides the only functioning supervisory mechanism
which is central to the international legal arrangements for labour
standards.
Along with the ILO’s supervisory context, the global regulatory regime,
particularly the code of conduct and standards manifest the chain
prerequisites of the RGI. The origination of buyer’s code of conducts
was not proactive rather it was reactive. In response to the threat of
scandal and to reputation, brands and retailers introducing introduced
ethical codes of conduct that specify labour standards that the
supplying factories producing their orders ought to maintain. Global
buyers fear that trade unions, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs),
human rights groups, and consumers’ associations in developed countries
may accuse them of encouraging their suppliers in developing countries
to run sweatshops and use child labour. To avoid such accusations, they
urged local suppliers (garments manufacturers) to follow codes of
conduct regarding product safety, labour standards, working
environments, and child labour issues (Humphrey and Schmitz, 2004).
Codes may have had a number of important impacts (like banning child
labour or improving factories toilets), but it is not evident based as
regard to their role as a sole monitoring agencies of the factories
(Brooks, 2007: 173). Since, observation and in-depth interview with the
factory owners in Dhaka revealed that both the buyers and local
manufacturers are still outsourcing their orders to the sub-contracting
factories where those factories lack basic labour standards. Apart from
these flexible global initiatives, the national government also
introduced a number of private enterprise friendly policies and
legislation.
From the 1980s, in order to facilitate the expansion of the private
sector led development and attract direct investment (FDI), government
adopted a number of policy initiatives. To stimulate investment,
framework for FDI policy is based on two legislations; the Foreign
Private Investment (Promotion and Protection) Act, of 1980 and the
Bangladesh Export Processing Zone Authority (BEPZA) Act , 1981. While
the first defines the scope and space for FDI in Bangladesh, the latter
specially addresses the provisions for FDI in the EPZs. One of the
important features of this policy is to protect the investors both in
terms of securing their financial assets and allowing exemptions from a
number of certain legal provisions.
Protection against expropriation of foreign investors has been
guaranteed in the Foreign Private Investment Act of 1980 where
provisions for adequate compensation was laid down. If a foreign
corporation becomes a subject as a legal measure that has the effect of
expropriation, provision for adequate compensation has been kept and
foreign investors are allowed to repatriate capital to their home
country. The policy also includes a number of fiscal incentives. They
include tax holidays for the industries located in free trade zones (3 –
7 years, depending on their location); reduced import duties on capital
machinery and spare parts; tax exemption on royalties, and on capital
gains from the transfer of shares and duty; free storing facilities
(bonded warehouse) for imported goods. It also allows for certain
infrastructural incentives, which include space in the EPZs and a
relatively lower price of land in industrial estates with electricity,
gas, water, and sewerage.
EPZ has been characterized from the very beginning due to its dubious
legislative framework (the right to freedom of association often do not
apply in EPZs , isolation from other factories (Dannecker, 2002),
reactive rather than proactive (factory visits on ad hoc basis), denial
of access (denied access to EPZs when carrying out enforcement visits
without prior notice or prior authorization) and low levels of dialogue
(since trade unionization is prohibited) . To attract the foreign direct
investment the government had started campaigning to the international
community that 'there are no trade unions in EPZs' (EPZ, 2000 ). Even
the recent EPZ’s advertisement under “Why Invest in Bangladesh EPZ?”
didn’t mention the trade union rather mentioning about the benefits of
smooth law and order and low cost production base amongst the Asian
region. This also reflects the government campaign to promote EPZs in
particular and country’s FDI in general as the Minister for Industry was
more categorical in saying, “the prime objective of the government is to
increase employment opportunities through increased investment. Any
issue relating to EPZs of Bangladesh should be considered cautiously” (Siddiqui,
2001: 1 ).
National legislation also provides safeguards for the workers and it
stipulates the following conditions: wages and benefits, employment
condition and workplace safety, working hours. Bangladesh Labour Act (BLA)
2006 took effect from October 11, 2006. According to the US Government,
the BLA 2006 is the most comprehensive law in place regarding labour .
This indicates the central progressive narratives and justification that
RGI mechanism is adequate in the question of labour rights’. However, a
number of the incidents of labour unrest occurred due to lack of
implementation of Bangladesh labour Act 2006 . Despite these legal
provisions, workers suffered due to non-implementation of these
provisions (60 percent workers endorsed ) and workers couldn’t address
their grievances due to non-existence of unions (85 per cent workers
endorsed). Unionization efforts in the non-EPZ factories are not that
different in practice compared to the EPZ. The Bangladeshi Constitution
and the 2006 Bangladesh Labour Act provide for the right to join unions
and, with government approval, the right to form a union . However, many
restrictions apply which effectively undermine rights to freedom of
association, to collective bargaining, and the right to strike. This is
quite significant and contradicts with spirit of trade unionism and it
implies that law itself was created to impede the formation of unions.
Analysis of national governing institutions for implementing and
overseeing labour rights is important. Government institutions also
suffer from serious under-capacity, particularly the Ministry of Labour
(MoL), which is understaffed and lacks the resources to adequately
inspect and carry out its mission . The Ministry of Commerce (MoC) is
also extensively involved in labour governance in the export sector.
While the primary function of the MoC is to deal with trade and
commerce, both externally and internally, compliance issues have also
become an important part of the MoC’s portfolio due to its potential
impact on exports. In addition to this forum, the government has also
created three related groups: a taskforce on labour welfare, a taskforce
on occupational safety and health, and a Compliance Monitoring Cell
(CMC) which is run out of the Export Promotion Bureau . Therefore lack
of inter-ministerial coordination and lack of consensus on working for
worker’s rights creates problems within the government institutions.
One of the prominent governance processes in the RGI is the creation of
the industrial police (IP), which is a specialised police force
established to look after industrial areas. It came into operation on
31st October, 2012, with headquarters in Dhaka and four zone offices at
Gazipur, Saver, Narayanganj, and Chittagong. The five objectives of the
IP state the following:
“(1) to ensure the law and order of the industrial areas; (2) to ensure
the safety and security of the property and personnel involved in the
industries; (3) oversee the activities of the organized groups working
to destabilise the industrial sectors; (4) extend immediate support to
any unusual situation/labour unrest; and (5) collect, collate and
disseminate information to higher authorities.” (GOB, 2011)
Interestingly, no indication appears in the five objectives of IP that
this force aims to safeguard the interest, insecurity, deprivations of
the workers, or any sort of violation of labour laws. Even during my
fieldwork, especially during a situation of unrest in a factory (that
is,
in Tejgaon in Dhaka in August, 2011), the industrial police mostly
protected the factory and the owners, rather than the workers. Some of
the workers stated that on a number of occasions, just before their
payment date, they observed the presence of industrial police, and,
subsequently, they heard about the closure of factory . They narrated
that “this is a method by the management so that they could delay
payment and could earn interest depositing money in the bank” . An
in-depth interview with an industrial police on the spot also revealed
that management instructed them to save or protect the factory first and
concern themselves with any issue regarding the workers until later.
Major governing institutions the factory level are the two association,
Bangladesh Garments Manufacturer Exporters Association (BGMEA ) and
Bangladesh Knit Export Manufacturers Association (BKMEA ). These
associations are clearly sensitive to international pressure and to the
demands of buyers in the area of labour compliance. The employer
association primarily active to respond the buyers concerns rather than
the concerns of the workers. Since the proposed Harkin Bill of the
mid-1990s (to eliminate child labour), the BGMEA, BKMEA, have begun to
institute a variety of programs designed to improve working conditions
in order to burnish their reputation in the international marketplace.
The private business houses have their own intelligence units. Both
BGMEA and BKMEA are equipped with their own security and intelligence
units. Now-a-days factories (a number of big compliant factories) also
have their own trained security personnel.
One way of governing inside factories is through the ex-military
management. A large number of factories are run retired army, navy or
air force officers. According to one of the manager, in a factory in
Ashulia (near Dhaka), “since workers are uneducated, unorganised and
easily manipulated, they would require the strict rules. These rules and
verbal (loud voice commands) control make them equipped with this new
working set-up.” These former army personnel often verbally abuse the
workers and, a number of them; physically punish the “disobedient” ones
. Therefore, RMG employment not only provides employment opportunities,
but also rectifies the workers attitudes.
This section outlines various institutional and regulatory measures
which operate in global, national, EPZ and factory level. However,
analysis shows a number of weaknesses which can be broadly attributed to
their weak institutions and cumbersome legal provisions. It also
revealed the elements of force in the maintenance of ultimate governance
mechanisms in the RGI. It is important to know about implications of
those regulatory and institutional measures. I argue that these measures
have been governed by management through surveillance and intimidation
tactics to disempower workers. The following section outlines these
management techniques.
Section 2: Managing Governance Strategies
Managing code of conducts
While discussing the codes of conduct, the buyers’ preferences for their
own codes of conduct pose a challenge for the suppliers. One supplier
usually has more than one buyer. If each buyer has a different set of
requirements, it becomes difficult for the local garments manufacturers
to ensure compliance with all the requirements simultaneously, although
direct suppliers are often in a better position than sub-contractors to
meet expectations. Suppliers are regularly monitored to ensure
compliance, however, small and medium size factories, which usually
include subcontractors, often fail to comply with the code of conduct.
However, the total approach of their monitoring is focussed on industry
specific competitiveness or goals (that is, improving competitiveness,
fire and safety standards, and so on) rather addressing the workers’
grievances or suffering. Moreover, monitoring is generally ad hoc (Rahman
et al, 2008). Both NGOs and trade unions have criticised monitoring
activities because there have been examples of monitoring agencies
certifying factories lack safety standards working facilities (Brooks,
2007). The auditing mechanisms were constructed in such a fashion that
both the parties (the garments manufacturer and the audit house) were
uninterested in addressing the workers grievances. Buyers cancelling
orders placed with manufacturers (with whom they had long standing
relations) who had not maintained standards was rather uncommon . In
most cases , auditing firms) refrained from expressing their
dissatisfaction (because of the feared of losing their job) or being
trained not to express their dissatisfaction, or the audit firms failed
to properly investigate the non-fulfilment of standard requirements.
Controlling workers’ wages and benefit
The RGI is composed of an unseen, intricate, and complex web of supply
chains that run like invisible web around the world. These chains have
been structured to gain low-cost, low-risk, and flexible production in
an increasingly competitive environment. The payment for their work was
often below overtime rates, frequently late, and sometimes unpaid.
Workers had to work overtime, either because the management wanted them
to do so, or because they were slow in finishing on time, or because
they would require extra overtime payment for their daily survival. Non-formalisation
is another aspect of how manufacturers govern the RGI industry. In
Bangladesh, a number of workers had no contract or employment letter.
Though a number of factory owners claimed that they provided with the
workers with a contract letter, in-depth interviews of workers revealed
a different story where the garments factory authority provided the
workers a one page contract letter while joining. However, they took it
back that so that they could use the document for other workers.
Without contracts, this meant that they were ineligible for certain
legal entitlements. Though popular discourse about formal employment
through RMG trading is something very common, in reality they themselves
make this employment more in an informal manner in order to create a
flexible space for governing the workers.
One of the central pressures that the workers faced is the management of
low wages.Common problems surrounding wages were that wages were low,
late, incomplete, and sometimes complex to calculate. Wages were often
purposely made complex, so that workers could not calculate their wages
in advance and did not know if they had been underpaid. Sub-contracting
factories usually received lower payment. A number of factories, did not
pay the full monthly salary, attendance bonuses (or even festival
bonuses), overtime payments altogether in one day. Some of the owners
argued, that “if they were given full payment, they might not come back
to the factory and would go to another factory, they might misuse the
money, or might have face problems carrying this ‘huge’ sum of money” .
Managing workers’ protest and unionisation efforts
There have been reports with regards to increasing pressure on workers’
unionisation efforts. In-depth interviews, anecdotal information, and
close observations reveal that that government and employers are
becoming increasingly hostile towards trade unions. This has also made
workers reluctant to join trade unions where they do exist. Trade unions
were under pressure internally because of corruption and workers
perceived some unions to be working to support the employers rather than
the workers. A number of trade unions also become more affiliated with
both ruling and opposition political parties (Majumder, 1997: 49);
hence, the political power, rather than the workers, became their
primary interest. In Bangladesh, workers involved with trade unions
faced redundancy, harassment, and intimidation, as well as being
threatened with murder. Very recently, this threat was carried out;
Aminul Islam, a prominent trade union leader, was killed . However,
anecdotal evidence suggests that a number of factory management
considered him as to be a threat (due to his voice against the factory
owners controlling mechanisms) to the industry as a whole. The
government is still investigating the matter. Again, all these
activities or narrow governance mechanisms focused on creating
deterrents so that other workers will not act against factory
management.
Section 3: Legitimisation of the governance process
The earlier section exposed the governance mechanisms applied through
force and consent. However, recognition of regimes of abuse and control
in globalised production sites of the RMG has been legitimised by state
and non-state actors. There is recognition of justification- even when
countering critique and thereafter a range of justification emerged.
These examples of abuse are both grounded in and reproduce a large
political economy of production, consumption, and image-making.
Construction of workers’ social obligation: the use of power and
conspiracy theory
The most prominent and common feature of legitimization efforts can be
traced through the hyped “conspiracy theory” outlined not only the
factory owners and private trade association but also the government.
The government’s responses to the protests have generally entailed a
combination of coercion (for instance, arresting protesters) and
attempts to re-vitalize and consolidate the dominant discourse about the
benefits of the RGI. In the case of the latter, the fact that the
protests could reflect the genuine grievances of the workers was either
dismissed out of hand, or deflected by framing the protests as part of a
larger (foreign backed) anti-government conspiracy that private business
bodies, NGOs, and foreign governments had instigated.
In terms of direct coercion, the government has responded drastically to
the workers’ protests in an attempt to discipline those labeled
“so-called provocateurs” with the help of the “industrial police” . The
“industrial police” force came into existence on July 31, 2010 when the
Bangladeshi Prime Minister warned that “the government will not tolerate
any anarchy and destructive activities in the garment sector”, promising
that “tough action would be taken against the people who are creating
anarchic situation in the garment sector” (Daily Star, 2010) . The
coincidence of interests between the government and manufacturers is
perhaps, in this case, unsurprising. Irrespective of shared ideological
commitments to development as modernization, the government itself has
much at stake in the RGI (McMichael, 2010). For example, twenty-nine
Membersof Parliament (MP) in Bangladesh are owners in the garments
industries (10 per cent of total MPs) and another 25 percent are
indirectly involved with this industry (Bangladesh Election Commission,
2009 ). This indicates the government-business compact has arguably had
the effect of diluting state responsibility for protecting workers from
the violation of their rights.
Management consistently discusses workers in disrespectful terms – ‘son
of a beggar’, ‘workers would go strive if they would not employ them’.
This analysis suggests that workers are discursively constructed as not
deserving of rights, an analysis that could work to further justify
working conditions. How words become a part of dominance becomes evident
through the governance process of the RMG industries. While visiting RMG
factories in Narayanganj, one of the factory owners was quite annoyed
with the workers (particularly on those who were involved with the
protest), because he said “fakinnir put” (son of a beggar) would
struggle (go strive) if they would not employ them. On a number of
occasions, garments owners claimed that “it is the owners who provide
bread and butter to the workers and ultimately provide employment and
facilitate poverty reduction.” This is the justifications for the
workers conditions. This section discusses two examples of how the
identity of workers as dependent on the largesse of the manufactories
and as individuals whose rights ought to be subordinated to more general
development goals: 1) re factory shutdown and 2) recent debate over
maternity leave provisions.
The latest show of power and domination was by the garment factory
owners who at first threatened (on June 03,The Daily Star, 2012) to shut
down their factories (subject to sustained worker protest) and, later
on, shut down the factories of the entire Ashulia region (which has more
than 300 factories) for five consecutive days. Anecdotal information
suggests that the owners lost 20 million dollars (USD) ( Ahmed
Salahuddin, 2004) during this closure, which would be the equivalent to
giving the workers, had they wished to do so, a five per cent salary
increase. This appears (or should be) a quite depressing scenario for
both the owners and the workers. However, the owners were quite happy to
give the workers a lesson and the workers suffered quite a
lot—especially those working in piece-rate basis. One of the garment
factory owners who visited Australia in June 2012 (during five day
factory shut down) said the following:
“I am not worried about my loss that occurred during this shut down, as
I have got other businesses. It is a good way to teach workers and in
future they will think twice before going into another round of
protest.” (Interview with an owner of RMG factory).
The second example regards maternity leave, which further revealed the
factory owners’ perception. This as a structural phenomenon (socially
constructed knowledge) linked with the patriarchal cultural
construction. Bangladesh Garments Manufacturers and Exporters’
Association (BGMEA) has argued that the proposed 24-week maternity leave
instead of 16 weeks, will encourage a higher birth rate, negating
population control efforts in the country. The association also proposed
introducing 12 weeks or 84 days of maternity leave for female workers in
the garments industries to keep pace with production in the sector. In a
statement, BGMEA said that the industry had been contributing to birth
control in the country since the 1980s because female workers felt
discouraged from having children in order to keep their jobs. They
further proposed that because 80 per cent of workers in the garments
industry are women, their long leave would greatly hamper production and
increase administrative complexity if recruiting the new workers to fill
the vacant position. In addition, a long absence decreases workers’
skills and workers could also not return to work if they found a better
opportunity elsewhere . The BGMEA’s stance of reducing maternity leave
from a commercial viewpoint defames Bangladesh’s women (Nazneen et al,
2011), children, and the community and disgraces future generations.
However, this sort of structural construction has been intuited with
other institutional force.
Educating responsible behaviour of the workers
Garments manufacturers often assumed that people who work in factories
lack basic intelligence, because they lack a proper education and have
insufficient mental capacity. Therefore, in the RGI, a principle of
combining standardization of production practices, such as the
break-down of work task on the assembly lines, has been very prominent.
Further to these production strategies and after a series of protest
during 2010 and 2011, a number of programmes to teach “responsible
behaviour of the workers” have been inaugurated in Bangladesh in
collaboration with the donors, NGOs, and business bodies. The basic aim
of these programmes is to make them disciplined (or bring them under
control), because a number of them become agitated when they were dire
deprived. GiZ (German Development Cooperation Agency), with the
collaboration of two local partners, the Bangladesh Knitwear
Manufacturers and Exporters Association (BKMEA) and Bangladesh garments
Manufacturers and Exporters Association (BGMEA), has funded one of these
programmes, Promotion of Social, Environmental and Production Standards
(PSES). The programme aims to introduce social and environmental
standards, and models of arbitration. The programme’s ultimate aims has
been designed in a manner as “the only way for the industry to remain
competitive in the long term, while maintaining humane social standards
and environmentally sound production methods” (GiZ, 2011 ). Two of the
national NGOs, Awaj Foundation and Karmajibi Nari acted as local
partners by organising awareness-raising workshops and distributing
information in the factories. PSES claims that women received higher
wages and BKMEA member factories have improved their productivity by
around 33 per cent on average. It also claims that in some cases labour
productivity has doubled. However, an in-depth interviews with both with
the project coordination officer and beneficiaries’ (workers) reveals a
different perspective. The design of their model of arbitration
programmes is such that they trained workers about their behaviour
during protests. This includes, not stopping work, not being involved
any sort of destructive activities, and not getting out of factories.
This illustrates the ultimate intention of the controlling mechanisms of
the RGI.
Legitimisation through cultural modernisation loops
Over the last couple of years there have been renewed attempts to
promote cordial relations between workers and management through
participation in staged events and television programming. Reports in
the Bangladeshi press suggest that the purpose of such events and
activities is to encourage factory workers to consider themselves part
of the mainstream workforce, even though they still do not share the
same rights (The Daily Star, 2011).
As an annual event, BKMEA arranged the largest knitwear show, the “5th
Bangladesh Knitwear Exposition” on 2-4 October, 2010, at Dhaka Sheraton
Hotel. One of the conspicuous aspects of the three daylong events was
the unique fashion show by the workers. Wearing the attractive outfits
they made, the workers, according to the BKMEA took part in the catwalk
“with pride and pleasure” and it was expected that the unique fashion
show would set a new trend among the workers and the buyers from both
home and abroad to expand the industry.
Furthermore, in 2012, the Bangladesh Garments Manufacturers and
Exporters Association introduced a television “Idol” competition (a
stage reality TV show) named ‘Gorbo 2012’ (literally ‘proud’). It was
screened on Bangla Vision, a private Bangladeshi television channel
intending to find music talent from a particular section (people working
with RMG) of the urban poor of Dhaka, Savar, Gazipur, Narayangonj, and
Chittagong .
The impact of the activities described above can be interpreted in
different ways. I, however, wish to draw attention to the way that in
this context the fashion show and television productions contribute to a
discursive construction of workers that excludes representing hardship
and exploitation. The Gorbo- 2012 story is an interesting case of how
the culture industry operates through multiple agencies and individuals,
even irrespective of their own affiliations, and how it promotes the
hidden governance manuscript of the RGI. It provides an example of the
alliance between media houses and the garments factories, where the
media inevitably snaps up and brands individual innovations. The
objectives of such education is quite clear: to present poor garments
workers in such a manner so that they can no longer be identified as
exotic.
CONCLUSION
The foregoing analysis has explained the modes of labour governance in
the RMG industry in Bangladesh. Formal and informal practices have been
distinguished to demonstrate that even where legislation allows certain
rights to organise and bargain collectively these are difficult to
assert in situation. This analysis bears testimony to workers’
sufferings and violation of various rights including right to form
union. These governance mechanisms also provide financial incentives for
retailers and manufacturers to invest and manufacturers in the EZPs are
exempt from labour laws.
The analysis has also examined relationships between key institutions
responsible for governing the implementation of law and maintaining
order in the factories; that is between the government and its
bureaucratic apparatus (i.e., ministries, agencies, and police force),
manufacturers, global retailers, trade associations and NGOs. It depicts
that how these actors attempts to make RGI competitive without
addressing workers’ sufferings. Theses controlling mechanisms is quite
unique as the use of force and consent creates hegemonic order.
Apparently, the consensus appeared to be an indirect force, to accept
their sufferings and decline of their living standards. These examples
(of workers sufferings) are reflective of the disjuncture between
dominant transcript and actual experiences. Though a number of agencies
discussed are involved in direct control and thereby limit the
articulation of rights, whereas others are engaged in monitoring and
advocacy. Scott’s notion of ‘hidden and public transcripts’ is useful to
locate particular actors in particular social settings, whether they are
dominant or they are oppressed. According to Scott, these methods are
effective in situations where domination and violence is used to
legitimise actions and maintenance of the status quo (Scott, 1985: 137).
Therefore, in the present article we can see a unique governance
mechanisms of force and consent in one side and legitimization of those
mechanism from the other side.
The article also provides an account of the political power relations
underpinning the “worker/employer” constellation in the RMG sector by
investigating the formal and proto-formal arrangements/provisions
underpinning these relations. These arrangements have been derived from
broader institutional provisions which include securing labour rights,
regulatory provisions, code of conducts and progressive narratives and
lead to accounts of the agents involved in promoting these, or
detracting from them by situating all of this in a broader (political)
enabling context.
The buying decisions of global retailers are rarely effected by the
working conditions in garment factories unless supply is disrupted.
Changes in buying decisions, along with shifting their import
destinations, do not change or affect the local manufacturers, but
jeopardise the dependent workers who enter in this employment field with
the notion of development for themselves and for the country. My
analysis of the intersection of the formal and informal modes of
governance that produce working conditions in the RMG industry in
Bangladesh indicates that it is very difficult for workers to organise
and pursue claims for improved conditions and wages. Despite the
rhetoric of economic development, workers are exploited and this exposes
the fault lines of globalization and showing the contingency of hegemony
.
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